Various decisions taken by the Spanish justice shows some commendable positive signs. These include the decisions that were taken by the Spanish courts to lift the arrest warrants that had been issued against 40 Rwandan military officers that decision was also emphasized by Interpol.
In January 2015, the Appeal Court of the Audiencia Nacional in Madrid, had made a “no case” against 11 of the 40 senior Rwandan military officers and made a temporary suspension of proceedings against the other 29.
The magistrates had ordered “the lifting of the arrest warrants that could affect all defendants once the decision is upheld.”
An appeal had been lodged with the Spanish Supreme Court to make decision on the case. On September 24, 2015, the Criminal Chamber of the Spanish Supreme Court ordered the suspension of proceedings against 40 Rwandan soldiers previously charged.
Today National Commission for the Fight against Genocide welcomes the fair decision of the Spanish section of Interpol to inform other national police forces of Member States of the cancellation of the red notices that had been issued against 40 Rwandan soldiers.
Despite this milestone, much remains to be done in order for the French courts to do the same as the Spanish justice. Indeed, in 2006 the French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière issued arrest warrants against nine top Rwandan soldiers.
It is these arrest warrants by Judge Bruguière that inspired his Spanish counterpart judge Merelles whose sole intent was the destabilization of the current Rwandan leadership.
Refusal of judicial decision on the ballistics report of French experts
The investigation on accusations raised by judge Jean-Louis Bruguière was resumed in 2007 by judges Marc Trévidic and Nathalie Poux who, in 2010, visited the scene where alleged crimes were committed and later issued a report that was published in January 2012.
This investigation by the French experts had the assumption that the missiles which shot down the plane of President Habyarimana on 6 April 1994, came from the Kanombe military camp which by then, was run by ex-FAR.
This camp housed more specialized units, including the para commando battalion and anti-aircraft fighter company “Compagnie Lutte anti-aérienne” (LAA) which, during the time, were under the command of Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, the mastermind of the genocide committed against Tutsis.
It should be recalled that normally, in the French judicial system, prosecutors have three months to make their submissions on a particular case.
However, an unusual silence has stalled this case and it’s coming close to four years without having a decision taken.
It is time that the warrants get dismissed as soon as possible so that the affected people can be set free, since it’s evident that their existence serves another purpose other than justice.
Such a decision would silence some voices that promote a double genocide theory, whose master thinkers include members of an association “France Turquoise”.
Among the members of the association, one can mention General Jacques Hogard, Jean-Claude La Fourcade Jacques Rosier and Michel Robardey as the superior authorities who are accomplices in the crimes committed in Rwanda in particular during Operation Turquoise.
French military officers implicated in the genocide pursuing denial actions
All the above mentioned generals are founding members of the Association France-Turquoise, whose purpose is the justification of the role of its members in the genocide against the Tutsi, denial of planning of the genocide and the deliberate demonization of current Rwandan authorities.
While the genocide was underway, General Hogard and general La Fourcade continued to downplay the allegations of the ongoing genocide and neither did they hide their sympathy towards the extremists responsible for the genocide.
They continued their collaboration with the genocide masterminds, providing them with military, political and diplomatic support.
General Jacques Rosier was head of the Détachement d’Assistance Militaire et d’Instruction (DAMI) between June 1992 and November 1992 the period when the Rwandan army committed several massacres on Tutsis.
The tightly controlled DAMI was located in military camps of Gabiro, Mukamira and Bigogwe as well as at Nyakinama university campus and and Gako military camp in Bugesera.
It’s during that time that the Rwandan army together with the French army had intensified military and ideological training of Interahamwe in these military camps where Jacques Rosier was the coordinator of these trainings as head of DAMI.
During Turquoise, in 1994, Jacques Rosier came back to Rwanda, where he was commanding the French army in Kibuye Prefecture.
He must be held accountable for the role of the French army in the massacre of close to 2000 Tutsis who were killed in Bisesero on June 30th, 1994.
Michel Robardey was advisor to the Criminal Research and documentation Centre of the Rwandan gendarmerie, commonly known as “Criminologie”.
Michel Robardey coordinated the data compilation activities concerning people to hunt and kill, particularly the Tutsis.
In the Mucyo report, the role played by general Robardey in the massacre that was committed against Tutsis in Bugesera wa thoroughly indicated.
It should also be recalled that, politically, during the genocide, on April 27, 1994, Alain Juppé, then Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Elysee received Jerome Bicamumpaka, the foreign minister of the government that was carrying out the genocide and Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, one of the founders of the notorious CDR party, who was also among the leadership group of people that were orchestrating the genocide.
Financially, until August 1994, the Banque de France had provided financial resources to the perpetrators of genocide.
The National Bank of Paris (BNP) issued payment of several deliveries of arms contracts during the time the genocide was at its peak.
Through the Ministry of Cooperation, France ensured the supply of munition and other equipment to the Rwandan Armed Forces while they were organizing the systematic execution of Tutsis.
It is therefore high time for the French justice, like the Spanish justice, to distance itself from the influence of some militaro-politico clutches that were involved in one way or another, in the genocide against the Tutsi.
Justice, whenever demanded, should be independent and respectful of the people. The French justice should understand this and follow the reasonable and meaningful steps towards the truth.
CNLG calls on the observance of equal justice for all so that the victims and survivors of genocide can be accorded their rights and the dignity they deserve.
UM– USEKE.RW
